نوع مقاله : Original Article
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Although the realization of peace is a universal value and aspiration, but it is difficult to provide a precise definition and dimensions of it. For example, according to Anderson (2004) peace is existence of conditions in which individuals, families, groups, communities and/or nations experience low levels of violence. Also, this concept mainly refers to the effort to create an equal society in which human dignity is respected and collaboration and participation are promoted, so that individuals can meet their physical, psychological and social needs in a peaceful manner (Galtung, 1996). Also, different dimensions of peace are considered in various cultures and societies. While in Western countries, international understanding and cooperation are emphasized and peace is viewed economically and politically, in socialist countries, the emphasis is more on achieving economic equality, in developing countries on eliminating injustice, and in Islamic societies on eliminating oppression and creating justice (Martin, 2005). In any case, the diversity and broad understanding of the concept of peace and its dimensions are accepted by various political structures in the world. Among the political institutions that were established after World War II to achieve and develop peace was the "UNESCO ". The first sentence of the preamble to the constitution of this organization emphasizes that “Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed." Therefore, the doctrine of UNESCO is based on the principle that war-loving minds must be changed to peace-loving thoughts through education. Therefore, the first step to achieving peace is to teach it to the young generation (Stoczkowski, 2009). In this regard, Harris (2004) considers the goal of peace education to be a change in the structures, approaches and content of the educational system in order to prevent the promotion of various forms of violence (direct/indirect, structural/cultural). Thus, the goal of peace education is to cultivate people with attitudes and behaviors that avoid physical violence, who reject injustice & exploitation in human relations and societies, and change the norms and beliefs that justify violence.
Of course, just like the concept of peace, there is no consensus among experts of different sciences regarding the meaning of peace education. Nevertheless, in a brief summary two general approaches can be mentioned: "Education about peace" and "Education for peace" (Shamshiri & Asadi, 2019). In educational systems that follow the first approach, school activities - especially the content of the curriculum - focus on providing information about peace such as definition & components of peace, factors & obstacles to peace, advantages of peace and disadvantages of war, advantages and virtues of justice, disadvantages of oppression & discrimination, human rights education, necessity of environmental protection, and disarmament education. In contrast, educational systems that follow the "Education for peace" approach mainly try to create fundamental changes in the knowledge, insight, and skills of learners so that they can lead a peaceful life with themselves and the world. The output of this education is to create peace-loving people, not people who are merely aware of the benefits of peace or disadvantages of its absence without correcting their behaviors based on violence, prejudice, and discrimination (Barash, 2000). It is clear that in this process, both approaches are invaluable and should be taught to children, adolescents and young people in the family, classrooms, schools, principal and teacher behavior, formal curricula and informal and extracurricular activities. In this regard, UNESCO insists on learning the seven components of peace education, namely cooperation & solidarity , human rights & democracy , internationalism , preservation of cultures ,protection of the environment , self & others and Spirituality (UNESCO, 2023a).
Regardless of these theoretical discussions, given the emphasis of international organizations such as the United Nations and UNESCO on achieving peace through changing minds, it was expected that during the last half century, educational systems – through using various teaching/learning methods - would teach peace to the younger generation in order to prevent or reduce the occurrence of ethnic, cultural, racial and political conflicts - at all local, national and international levels - through peace-loving minds. But the increasing trend of conflicts and tensions indicates that this goal has not been achieved. Also, in a reverse trend, some education systems have even provided the ground for learning/teaching and reproducing various forms of violence, hatred and prejudice (Harber, 2008; Ide, Kirchheimer & Bentrovato, 2018; UNESCO, 2023b). This is especially true for countries in tense regions such as the Middle East. While sustainable peace should be considered one of the most urgent needs of the people of Middle East, the lack of peace education in the educational systems of the countries of this region can be deeply regrettable (Harber, 2019). Iran has experienced severe political ups and downs over the past century that has jeopardized peace for its people. World War I caused famine and the death of one million Iranians (Majd, 2003). World War II resulted in the occupation of the country by Britain and Russia for the people of Iran (Dadkhah, 2001). With the exile of Reza Shah and the beginning of the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, Britain and the United States brought about the fall of the national government of Mohammad Mossadegh so that they could take advantage of cheap Iran’s oil (Kinzer, 2008). Mohammad Reza Shah, while consolidating his power base, simultaneously tried to play the role of gendarme of the Persian Gulf region by purchasing various types of weapons while modernizing the country economically and industrially (Arjomand Ziyarti, 1989). The fall of his government in 1979 led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which shortly after fought the longest war of the 20th century with its neighboring country, Iraq (Shariati and Ghaffari, 2019). During this war, the Iran political system slowly set three goals for itself, which were manifested in the three slogans "War, War until Victory", "The Road to Quds passes through Karbala", and "War, War until the Eradication of Sedition from the World". In other words, the first slogan meant the destruction of Saddam Hussein's regime, the goal of the second slogan was the destruction of Israel, and the goal of the third slogan was to save all the oppressed people of the world. The first goal was achieved with the USA' attack on Iraq and the fall of Saddam Hussein. With the expansion of Iran's influence in countries such as Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen and the increase in tension between Iran and Israel in recent years, the stability of the Iran’s political system to achieve the second goal is becoming apparent, and the opportunity to achieve the third goal has not yet been achieved (Shahriari, 2014; Sarmadi and Azghandi, 2016).
It is obvious that after about half a century since the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, these three slogans have had many social consequences for the people of Iran. One of the consequences is the impact on the educational system. Since its establishment, the Islamic Republic has tried to convey its ideals, ideology, and goals to the younger generation through schools and classrooms (Farokhinia, Rasoli & Salimi, 2022). Accordingly, the formal and informal activities of schools - as well as the curriculum - were implemented and implemented through a centralized educational system for all regions of the country. Many studies conducted over the last two decades show that the school environment and curriculum – especially the content of textbooks – are mainly based on teaching concepts that are far from peace education, concepts such as highlighting ideological differences between societies, insisting on separating “self” and “other”, instilling distance-based concepts such as invasion and cultural influence, and overemphasizing colonial history and the post-colonial space based on domination and invasion and the Cold War (Akbarzadeh et al., 2023a & b, 2015; Rezaei & Gholamreza Kashi, 2005; Hashemi, 2009; Zeinalpour, 2015; Ali Asgari, 2013; Najafi et al, 2015; Mousavi Behbid, Hesabi, & Ayder, 2021). It is natural that the passage of time has caused today's young generation of Iran to become cold and distant from the revolutionary atmosphere. Also, negative economic effects such as inflation and cyclical recession prevailing in the Iran economy have made people more and more eager for a life based on peace and avoiding controversy - at both national and international levels (Afrasiabi & Baharloui, 2010). In addition, social, technological/scientific developments and increased global communications - influenced by the expansion of the Internet and cyberspace - have created a value distance and the phenomenon of "generation gap" in Iran society (Fathi & Motlagh, 2011; Hazrati Soumeh & Rahimi, 2015; Javidi, Ahmadi & Rajabi, 2017).
Now, the main question facing all politicians, sociologists, economists, and educational planners in Iran is, "What should be done in the current situation to overcome the generation gap?" It is clear that there are many answers to this fundamental question. One of the answers has been provided by Maghsoud Farasatkhah - a sociologist and professor of higher education planning at the Institute of Higher Education Research and Planning - by presenting the "Theory of Boundary Agents ". The foundation of this theory is based on the historical and social background of Iranian personalities (Farasatkhah, 2015). In other words, after more than 45 years since the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, sociology like Farasatkhah has now found a solution to Iran's current problems by resorting to and benefiting from Iran's historical experience in cultivating “Agents characters”. According to Farasatkhah (2021), one of the characteristics of totalitarian political systems is the existence of a gap between the "State" and the "Nation." This gap causes the State to pursue goals that the nation does not necessarily desire. Also, the needs of the nation are not a priority for the state, and people face fundamental challenges in establishing a relationship with the State. Thus, establishing a relationship between state and nation is one of the most important challenges for developing societies in the process of achieving development. Establishing a relationship between the two requires the presence of various factors and components in the social and political system. According to Farasatkhah, one of the effective factors is the presence of people who can establish a bridge between the state and the nation. These people can explain and clarify the goals and ideals of the state (political system) to the nation and at the same time the language that conveys the nation's demands - to some extent without fear & conservatism and with clarity - to the ears of politicians. These people are, in fact, activists who move on the border between the state and the nation and undertake various scientific, practical, professional, and social actions (Kalani and Rostami, 2014). These actions are activities that governments either oppose or do not want to do, and or the nation does not have the enthusiasm or awareness to do them. In this theory, Farasatkhah attempts to show, by referring to the history of Iran - especially during the Qajar and Pahlavi dynasties - why " boundary agents " emerge, what strategies do they use to establish communication between the state/nation, which variables strengthen or weaken boundary agents, and who can be named as clear examples of " boundary agents " (Ahmadi Amouie, 2017). In response to the first question, Farasatkhah mentions the volume and vast scope of state influence, the large impact of the state economy, the degree of state dependence on tax revenue, state's reliance on rents and scarce resources - such as oil - that provide the basis for the emergence and activity of boundary agents. He also believes that boundary agents benefit from strategies such as negotiation & bargaining, community empowerment, education, decision-making & reform, and policy adjustment or promotion to establish communication between the state/nation (Farasatkhah, 2022).
Regarding the variables that influence the strengthening or weakening of the performance of boundary agents, Farasatkhah mentions the role of family relationships or ratios, personal characteristics - such as intelligence of the agent, the agent's ability to be creative and present innovative plans and programs - and the occurrence of crises. In response to the last question - who can be named as an objective example of a " boundary agents " - Farasatkhah points out that while Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah had totalitarian governments, they were simultaneously able to provide a relatively suitable environment for the social and economic development of Iran through the modernization of the educational system. One of the consequences of this suitable environment was the growth, emergence, and activity of influential individuals who, as "actors," were able to establish a bridge between the state/nation. People like Gholamhossein Seddighi (1905-1991) a politician, minister, founder of sociology in Iran, founder of the Institute of Social Studies and Research, University of Tehran and member of the Board of Trustees of the Iranian Cultural Foundation); Ali Akbar Siasi (1895-2011) a psychologist, author, politician, founder and president of the University of Tehran and minister; Ahmad Birshak (1906-2002) mathematician, calendarist, researcher in the history of science, founder of the Great Persian Encyclopedia and founder of the Hadaf School; Fatemeh Sayyah (1902-1947) literature professor, founder of the Women's Association, women's rights activist and Ehsanollah Naraghi (1926-2012) university professor, political activist, head of the Institute of Social Studies & Research and head of the Institute of Scientific & Educational Research and Planning; Gholamhossein Shokouhi (1926-2016) University Professor, Minister of Education, and Author) (Farasatkhah, 2020).
In light of what has been said, the present researchers have attempted to answer the question of how the role of two boundary agents Bahman Beigi and Mirhadi - who spent a major part of their lives, professional lives, and social/educational activities during the reigns of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah - can be used to promote peace education in the school curriculum and to provide suggestions for Iranian curriculum planners, considering the current state of Iran’s society. Accordingly, the main goal of the study was to examine the opinions, practices, and social and educational activities of Mohammad Bahman Beigi and Turan Mirhadi to promote peace education in Iran - with the help of Farasatkhah's theory of “boundary agents ". The sub-goals of the research are:
This is a qualitatively comparative research and documentary method and thematic content analysis methods were used to collect and analyze data. Content analysis is a method for analyzing qualitative data that analyzes texts. Sources were selected by searching for keywords in international information databases such as Google Scholar, EBSCO, ERIC, ResearchGate and Iranian information databases such as Alamnet, Magiran, Normag, ISC and Irandoc. Primary sources include lectures, books and interviews of Mohammad Bahman Beigi and Turan Mirhadi and secondary sources include published books and articles (n=34). In the present study, the paragraph analysis unit and MAXQDA2022 software were used to record concepts related to peace. For coding, a three-stage method of open, axial and selective coding was used. Then, using the Fairclough method (1990), the obtained codes were presented in three parts: Text description (revealing propositions), interpretation (showing the interaction between text and context), and explanation (the two-way effect of structures on discourse and discourse on structures). The description stage refers to the formal features of the text such as vocabulary, grammar and textual structures. According to Fairclough, the structural effects and features of the text on society cannot be directly understood, because the relationship between text and social structures is an indirect one. This is where the necessity of interpretation arises so that the text can be produced and interpreted based on common sense assumptions. Interpretations are a combination of the content of the text and the mind of the interpreter. The mind of the interpreter is the background knowledge that the researcher uses in interpreting the text. The explanation stage is concerned with the relationship between interaction and social context, how the processes of production and interpretation are influenced by society. At this level, the researcher explains why such a text was produced within the permissible possibilities of that language, and the relationship to sociological, historical, discourse, ideology & power factors, and cultural/social conventions and knowledge (Fairclough, 1990: 245).
The findings are presented in this study as follows. The first group describes the data, the second group briefly introduces two experts and activists in the field of education and their ideas, and finally, the data was explained, which in this section presents the similarities and differences between these two experts.
First Stage: Description
1-1. Biography
Mohammad Bahman Beigi, a teacher, founder of nomadic education, and writer, was born in Fars Province, Iran, among the Qashqai tribe. After obtaining a law degree from the University of Tehran, he observed the plight of nomads and the lack of access to education for their children. Using the financial aid of Point Four Program of US President Harry Truman to Iran and with the support of the government, he was able to successfully launch the first mobile schools in a new style for nomads (Hasan Rostami, Heidari, & Shamshiri, 2022). He was also able to overcome cultural traditions opposing the education of girls and contribute to the process of gender equality in education by establishing "nomadic girls' schools." In addition, Bahman Beigi founded the first "Nomadic Teacher Training Center" to recruit and employ teachers who were willing to adapt to the harsh conditions of nomadic life and, like other members of the tribe, move from place to place. He published his educational experiences in several books (Akbari, 2012).
1-2. Thoughts related to peace education
The first principle in Bahman Beigi's peace-seeking thoughts is the appeal to love. Peace is based on love and is in conflict with hatred, a loving person seeks to be loved. The first sentence that Bahman Beigi writes in his famous book "I swear by your stove." is about escaping war and embracing peace with the help of education:
"Although I was a nomad, I chose a pen and a book instead of a gun and bullets. I became a teacher and started nomadic education" (Bahman Beigi, 2018a, p. 1).
In this regard, the hidden meaning in Bahman Beigi's thoughts is following the principle of "unconditional love for everyone" regardless of ethnicity, language, nationality, religion, and culture:
I have not been endowed with magical skills. The source of all these successes has been nothing other than love, love for people, love for work, and love for education and training (Bahman Beigi, 2018b, p. 90).
The second principle is Bahman Beigi’s emphasis on the place of education in promoting peace. In Bahman Beigi’s thought, there is a deep and unbreakable connection between the two concepts of “education” and “peace”. In his opinion, the ideal and goal of nomadic literacy is the establishment of peace: Peace between tribes and ethnicities, peace between men and women, and peace between ordinary people and tribal leaders. It is as if, from Bahman Beigi’s perspective, literacy was the only platform for realizing the human and moral capacities of nomads. Regarding peace, he states:
I called the blackboard a gun and the chalk a bullet and I tried to establish peace and tranquility and I had no middle ground with war and conflict (Bahman Beigi, 2018b).
Also
In this book, after describing the chaotic situation of refugees in south of Iran, I explicitly wrote that the only solution lies in kindness and love in education. These people must be saved from all this misery. We must create numerous mobile schools for them. Instead of cannons and tanks, we must send teachers and books for them (Bahman Beigi, 1995: 95).
In his book “The Gold of Courage,” he says about the importance and necessity of education in establishing a human-centered and peace-based sovereignty, the role of literacy in raising awareness and promoting rationality among members of society, and the results and consequences of an unoriginal education:
"The people of this blood-stained planet have never seen the face of peace. These misguided and oppressed people have either always been at war with each other or in preparation for war. Only education can and should put an end to such a sad situation. The number of years and centuries of peace and tranquility of these people has been far shorter and fewer than the years of war and bloodshed. Despite all this bloodshed and killing, it is astonishing how the color of the waters on earth, the waters of rivers, seas and oceans, has remained blue. We are now everywhere either at war with each other or are preparing for war (Bahman Beigi, 2018b, p. 59).
The third principle is Bahman Beigi’s emphasis on the role of those in power in promoting peace or war:
I accuse all the rulers, philosophers and great men of the present world of despising education, considering it insignificant, and for this reason, they have made war prevail over peace. This edifice must collapse and another foundation must be established. Today’s education and training in the world is leading us towards other great wars. A look at the weapons of the world, from large destructive bombs to small children’s toys, shows that we are covering the distance between the garden of life and the cemetery of nothingness with a strange speed. Our world is the world of warriors, plunderers and conquerors. The great honors of the universe go to adventurers, madmen and bloodthirsty (Bahman Beigi, 2018b, p. 60).
The fourth principle is Bahman Beigi's criticism of the institution of family and the ignorance of parents:
In most parts of the world, fathers and mothers choose the names of bloodthirsty warriors for their children. I live in the city of Shiraz. Shiraz is a city in southern Iran; it has raised two unique poets named Saadi and Hafez. These two poets are popular and famous worldwide. In such a city with a population of more than a million people, there is not a single man or boy named Saadi or Hafez, but in each of its alleys and streets, thousands of Genghis, Timur and Hulagu stand tall; warriors who have made thousands of mothers mourn; warriors who have very comfortably issued orders to massacre the innocent people of the cities (Bahman Beigi, 2018b, p. 60).
The fifth principle is Bahman Beigi’s emphasis on the negative role of the educational philosophy that governs schools and classrooms in perpetuating atrocities and oppression in human relations:
These atrocities and oppressions all originate from the shortcomings and mistakes of education. For this reason, the current philosophy of education in the world must be turned upside down. We must salute the philosophers of the past and await other great ones (Bahman Beigi, 2018b, p. 60).
Therefore, Bahman Beigi is fully aware of the fundamental position of education in the development of society. While he sees this path as very rocky, swampy, and full of ups and downs, he also considers the solution to be the continuation and generalization of this mission in the layers of society.
The key to our problems lies in the depths of the alphabet, and I now invite you to a new uprising. After years of travel and exploration, contemplation and study, compassion and pain, I have reached this definitive conclusion and I invite you to a holy uprising; an uprising to make people literate. I... I ask you to stand up and teach, teach, teach day and night, from time to time (Bahman Beigi, 2002, 4).
While UNESCO has defined human rights as one of the components of peace education, the sixth principle hidden in Bahman Beigi’s thoughts and actions is the effort to realize these rights in the form of fighting educational and economic injustice between girls and boys and nomads and non-nomads.
History has shown that hunger has been the mother of many uprisings on earth. Our history in southern Iran also shows that this great stimulus has repeatedly created the desire for uprising among our peoples and tribes. But due to illiteracy, we have never benefited from our uprisings and have given the benefits to those who have participated in our plunder. The key to our problems lies in the alphabet (Bahman Beigi, 2018b, p. 60).
Therefore,
I had this hope and wish that by spreading literacy, especially among girls, I would be able to do a small service (Bahman Beigi, 2002).
The seventh principle based on peace education in Bahman Beigi's views places great emphasis on the role of the teacher. In defending teachers for higher salaries, he precisely points to the heart of authoritarian and totalitarian systems that spend the nation's money on purchasing weapons of war and increasing armaments:
I have had many conversations with this and that in this regard. They say: The number of teachers is large. Increasing their salaries and wages to the level of doctors and engineers requires astronomical figures. I say: Such an increase does not reach one-tenth of the astronomical figures of war costs and military equipment, and let us not forget that if we appoint worthy and satisfied candidates to the teaching profession, the roots of evil will dry up; ethnic differences, racial animosities, national and historical prejudices will disappear; costly obstacles and seditions will subside and the path to human happiness will be paved (Bahman Beigi, 2018a, p. 61).
He adds:
I say, if the teacher is good, he creates correct education. He destroys prejudice and ignorance. If the teacher is excellent, he creates peace (Bahman Beigi, 2002: 23).
2-1. Biography
Turan Mirhadi was born in Tehran to an Iranian father and a German mother. He was a professor of children's literature, a writer, an education expert, the founder of the Farhad Educational Complex, one of the founders of the Children's Book Council, and the founder of the Children and Adolescents' Dictionary. Mirhadi worked in the field of education, culture, and literature for children for more than sixty years (Arjomand, 2018). In the field of education, her books such as “Searching for a Pious Man”, “The Work of a Teacher”, “In Search of Ways and Methods of Education”, “Peace Must Be Taught from Childhood”, and “Peace in the Culture of Education” can be mentioned. The last two books are dedicated to teaching peace to children (Zarrabi, 2017). Mirhadi has been called the "Mother of Children's and Adolescent Literature in Iran" (Miralaei, 2017).
2-2. Thoughts related to peace education
As one of the education reformers in Iran, Turan Mirhadi had a deep belief in peace and teaching it to the young generation (Mohammadi, 2017). Based on the analysis of primary sources, Mirhadi's principles of belief regarding peace and peace education can be mentioned as follows:
First) Thinking about war and peace:
While in her youth and coinciding with the end of World War II, Mirhadi had gone to Germany to continue her studies, she was horrified to see the suffering and devastation of war. Later, after becoming more familiar with the suffering imposed by the World War on the Iranian nation, she expressed her concern in this way.
When I was studying in Europe as a student after World War II, I was faced with these very big questions: how do people get to the point where they kill each other? Why do they drop bombs on each other? Why do they build detention centers? Why do they burn each other's farms? Don't they have culture? (Mirhadi et al, 2010)
Second) Belief in the fundamental role of the educational system in promoting and educating peace:
Mirhadi points to the lack of proper education in response to the cause of human belligerence.
My observations covered almost all of Europe. Finally, when I was searching for the causes, I came to the conclusion that the problem is in the education system. An education system that does not educate a person, educates a soldier and an obedient person. A person who must listen to orders and constantly try to keep his elders happy (Ghorbani and Chashchet, 2010)
War is started by those who did not learn peace and friendship in school and were educated in a tyrannical manner (Gorgin, 2017).
Third) Belief in the role of the family as the origin of peace
Mirhadi sees the primary origin of peace and security in the home and points to the impact of components such as attention to the independence of children and adolescents, children's participation in home and community activities, and parents' avoidance of violence in the upbringing process (Mirzaei, 2017).
Fourth) Denial of competition as an effective factor in creating wars
Mirhadi believed that an educational system based on competition, exams, and grades fosters a self-centered spirit and lays the groundwork for the institutionalization of exuberance within the individual from childhood. The result of this exuberance in adulthood is the dominance of power-seeking, war-seeking, and totalitarian politicians over society. Therefore, the roots of war-seeking must be eliminated from childhood so that in adulthood, society is a mixture of people who seek peace. Mirhadi, quoting her memories of running "Farhad School", says:
This school follows a system in which order does not prevail. The decision is up to the students and teachers. No one gives orders, there is no competition, whatever the core is self-management. The most important issue was the human feeling of the children in their constant collaboration and mutual thinking with each other. We took grades and competition out of school; we took out the first and second students. The issue was the general progress of the children and collaboration with each other. The children set the rules of the school (Mirhadi et al., 2010).
Fifth) Denial of violence in the educational arena
Mirhadi witnessed an educational system based on physical, verbal, and psychological punishment and violence against students in Iranian schools, while as a "modern expert", she could not accept this situation. For this reason, she prohibited the use of any type of violence in the school she founded. In this regard, in an interview, in response to the question whether there was really no kind of punishment in Farhad's school? She says:
Yes, but it took a long time, that is, it took time for the children to realize that relationships are not supposed to be threatening, punitive. They are supposed to be cooperative relationships (Attarchi and Mirzaei, 2001).
Sixth) Emphasis on the need for change in culture and social institutions
Mirhadi states that what leads to reconciliation and peace is overcoming stereotypes and mental prejudices. Therefore, achieving sustainable peace requires providing appropriate conditions and facilities for a culture of peace and its important factors, including the development of political and social institutions, as well as educating members of society from the lowest levels. These changes must be institutionalized in the socio-political structure of societies to provide the foundations for sustainable peace and transform violent behaviors into peace-seeking behaviors (Resalat, 2018).
Second Stage) Interpretation
According to Fairclough's approach, the aim of the present researchers in the interpretation stage is to show the interaction between text and context. In the present study, the interpretation is based on understanding the time in which Bahman Beigi and Mirhadi spent their various periods of childhood, youth, and adulthood (social context) and the impact of this context on their activities in various areas of life - such as education, professional & practical actions, and scientific activities (Text). Given that these two actors carried out most of their educational activities during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah (1941- 1979), therefore the conditions of Iran in this period are briefly described in four political, social, economic, and educational dimensions:
With the arrival of Allied forces and the occupation of Iran, as well as the exile of Reza Shah, his son Mohammad Reza Shah seized power in 1941. In the first years of Mohammad Reza Shah’s reign, i.e. from 1941 to 1953, when his power was not yet established, on the one hand we are faced with the instability of the cabinets, so that twelve prime ministers formed seventeen cabinets, and on the other hand, an open political space was formed, influenced by the movement to nationalize the oil industry with the participation of the people (Khaja, 2019). After the coup of 09 August 1953 until the fall of the Pahlavi dynasty (1979), politically, the Shah had absolute power. Also, from a political perspective, we can point out the Shah’s tendency to favor the West and increase the military budget (Abrahamian, 1999).
Mohammad Reza Shah followed his father in terms of social developments. During Reza Shah's time, we witnessed measures such as changes in Iran's organizational and legal systems and the adoption of new laws, changes in clothing styles, increased urbanization, growth in production and the field of artistic and cultural goods, and an increase in the immigration rate, a trend that continued with greater intensity during Mohammad Reza Shah's time (Alem, Dashti & Mirzaei, 2014). Also, during Mohammad Reza Shah's time, the tendency toward Westernization and manifestations of Western life became one of the prominent manifestations of social life (Bayat, 1995).
From the economic perspective, we can point to a kind of modernization in Iranian society that led to fundamental changes in the country's economic structure, such as growth in gross national product, expansion of industry and services, transformation in agricultural relations, expansion of cities, increased rural migration, growth of the new middle classes, and expansion of mass communication. The aforementioned measures were implemented in the form of four development programs (the second to fifth plans between 1956 and 1978). Affected by the increase in oil prices in the early years of the 1970s and the resulting sharp increase in credits, in the fifth development program, expenses related to oil, electricity, construction, housing, and education gained extraordinary importance and together accounted for 43.5 percent of the plan's credits (Hallidi, 1979; Razzaghi, 1995).
One of the main priorities during the Pahlavi period was cultural modernization. Accordingly, during these years, a significant part of the government budget was spent on expanding literacy, building new schools, and establishing universities, in a way that transformed the cultural face of the country. For example, from 1963 to 1977, the number of people registered in kindergartens increased from about 13,000 to 221,000, in primary schools from 640,000 to 4 million, and in technical & vocational schools and teacher training from 14,000 to 227,000. Also, the literacy rate of the population aged 6 and above in 1956, 1967, and 1978 was 15, 28, and 41.7 percent, respectively. In addition, the literacy rate in rural areas in these years also reached 10, 15, and 25 percent respectively (Fawzi Tuyserkani, 2001; Bigdalo & Shahidani, 2017). In terms of organizational structure, the Iran education system was managed in a centralized manner with full government supervision over all aspects. These data illustrate two basic points: First, the small but slow growth and development of the number of literate people, and second, the existence of a centralized education system based on bureaucracy combined with the dominance of the political system.
Given the above-mentioned conditions and circumstances, Bahman Beigi and Mirhadi, as activists - sometimes together with the government and sometimes in pursuit of the nation's ideals and needs - tried to bring about a change in the state of the Iran’s educational system. Thus, while Bahman Beigi's perspective is more local-oriented (tribes, nomads, and indigenous peoples), Mirhadi benefits from an approach based on the use of national and international experiences (World Wars I and II and the situation in Iran and Europe). Accordingly, the language of the two does not necessarily follow the same format, although the goal of both is to create prosperity and peace for the people through education.
The main themes of Bahman Beigi's speeches and writings are descriptions of the attractions and charms of the tribe and nature, but in fact his stories are stories of the suffering of tribes and tales of wandering, isolation, poverty, ignorance, disease, violence, and war. In his writings, Bahman Beigi has described and criticized many of the problems of Iran society, especially tribal people, with a humorous tone. In all areas of his activism, while revealing the suffering, pain, and problems of his personal and professional life, he describes and explains the ups and downs of nomadic life, and at the same time, referring to some educational, cultural, and social characteristics of Iran, he narrates his educational strategies and decisions (Shabanloo, 2011).
On the contrary, Mirhadi has been less interested in storytelling and has been more concerned with conveying her experiences in the form of "memoirs". Mirhadi, influenced by the characteristics of her personal life, also looks at international events. Cases such as the direct experience of being present and studying in Germany after World War II, and traveling to Bosnia & Herzegovina and volunteering to rebuild the ruins in these two regions provide her with invaluable experiences upon her return to Iran (Khosravi & Erfanian, 2012). Iran's political and social tensions in the 1920s and 1930s, and the humanitarian and economic disasters, made Mirhadi even more convinced of the idea that "education is the most fundamental element that can help promote and expand a culture of peace."
Third Stage) Explanation
From Fairclough's perspective, explanation is an attempt to prove the two-way influence of structures on discourse and discourse on structures. In the theory of " Boundary Agents", Farastkhah refers to the interaction between the actor and the social context in the state/nation mutual relationship in three ways: Positive, neutral, or negative, and shows that structures influence the actor's discourse and the actor's discourse forces structures to react. Based on this thought, the activism of Bahman Beigi and Mirhadi can be explained from a comparative perspective in four political, economic, social, and educational aspects. From a political perspective, while Bahman Beigi had a relatively neutral position on the Iran political system, he enjoyed some support from the politicians of the time to implement his innovative programs. This situation changed with the establishment of the Islamic Republic system, which removed him from the scene of action. The positive outcome of Bahman Beigi's seclusion and isolation was the writing of books that transmitted his experiences (discourse) to the next generation.
From a social perspective, both activists were involved in social developments and tried to benefit from the changes in structures (Iran's organizational and legal systems, the growing trend of urbanization, field of artistic and cultural goods, and increase in immigration rates) in favor of their goals (discourse). Bahman Beigi, of course, wisely realized that international literacy experiences (the experience of literacy training for Native Americans in USA) as well as the national/organizational structure governing Iranian education departments could not be generalized to the social and cultural environment of nomadic societies. He was also fully aware that improving the level of nomadic culture (cultural structure) and changing their limited outlook - which is mainly based on short-term individual and ethnic interests - is only possible through increasing the level of literacy (changing the discourse based on force and violence and coercion to the discourse of dialogue and respect, tolerance and acceptance). In this regard, Bahman Beigi also considered the best solution to reduce gender violence - against children, women and girls - (based on cultural structure) as well as reducing ethnic armed conflicts (based on social and economic structure) to expand the penetration of literacy among nomadic people (replacing the modern structure, i.e. modern education). In this process, Bahman Beigi's realism can be considered the most important factor in his success on this path. Mirhadi also took advantage of the social changes in Iran (based on the government's support for reforms in social structures) to implement her scientific and professional ideas in Iran - which she had learned as an "education specialist" in Germany- (promoting a new discourse outside the traditional discourse that dominated offices and schools).
From an economic and educational perspective, both activists took important practical steps. The establishment and expansion of mobile schools, the establishment of "nomadic girls' schools" and the "nomadic teacher training center" were not small steps, and each can be considered a "cultural/educational revolution" in the field of nomadic education in Iran, which Bahman Beigi succeeded in carrying out. Mirhadi, by establishing the "Farhad School", also showed teachers an objective and practical experience of deconstruction against the centralized, politicized, and bureaucratic educational system that ruled the country. She also helped institutionalize the concept and value of "childhood" in Iran's educational culture through the founding of the Children's Book Council and the Children and Adolescents' Dictionary. From the perspective of the "state of the times", these two activists can also be compared. While the main goal of both activists was mainly to reform and transform the Iran educational system rather than to teach peace, both Bahman Beigi and Mirhadi witnessed various forms of violence, discrimination, inequality, and conflict in Iranian society. For this reason, in their speeches and teachings, the struggle for peace education became a "fundamental goal."
After more than half a century of the activities of these two activists, it can now be concluded that the current Iran educational system has largely succeeded in realizing Bahman Beigi's aspirations for the expansion of nomadic education, while the curriculum and content of the books have acted contrary to Mirhadi's teachings by overemphasizing the distinction between "self" and "other." In any case, these activists played an unforgettable role in both the "idea and practice" arenas in promoting the components of peace education, such as emphasizing cooperation and solidarity, human rights and democracy, respect for cultures, environmental protection, self-awareness and respect, expressing empathy for others, and the development of morality & spirituality in Iranian society.
Various solutions have been proposed for the development of Iran so far. Many solutions have considered fundamental changes in the various social structures of Iran as the key to escape the closed cycle of underdevelopment. These solutions, by emphasizing the role of social structures, have neglected the role of individuals. The theory of Boundary Agents emphasizes for the first time the role of the "human factor" and the movement of active individuals on the border of two hostile territories of the nation/state in developing societies. In the field of education, the main issue of the present research was that in a situation where the Iran educational system - and especially textbooks - is full of training based on the exaggeration and differentiation of the "self" from the "other", can the experiences of Iranian border actors be used to change the curriculum and reform it in favor of peace-oriented education? The researchers' answer to this question was positive, and based on this, they tried to show, with the help of the theory of Boundary Agents, how two actors were able to take great steps in favor of educational reforms and the development of peace education in an undemocratic and totalitarian structure (the Pahlavi dynasty imperial system).
The first finding of the research showed that both actors believe in common principles in the process of teaching/learning peace and its components to the young generation, principles such as the valuable place of peace in human life, the role of parents, role of teachers, and need for changes and transformations in the content of curriculum in favor of peace and friendship. The second finding revealed that both actors were engaged in a tireless struggle with cultural and family traditions, organizational cultures, economic constraints, and reactions of anti-reform government officials on the one hand and ignorant people on the other in order to create an agreement between the formal government discourse and discourse based on needs of the nation. The third finding of research revealed that both actors, through objective and practical actions, spending financial costs, spending personal energy & time and publishing their transformational discourse in the form of stories, memories, interviews, dialogues, negotiations and bargaining, were able to show how rigid and stable structures can be changed. The fourth finding indicates that the actors' horizons are not necessarily fed by the waters of a single intellectual unit. While Bahman Beigi appears more of a self-made, familiar, and realistic teacher, Mirhadi, by equipping herself with modern educational ideas, manages to move on the razor-edge of the nation/state boundary. Based on these findings, it can now be said that the Iran’s curriculum system needs activists who can, in light of the developments that govern the 21st century, free the formal formats that govern the education system from excessive pessimism based on "alteration." At the same time, the Iran education system needs activists who can, through interaction based on various forms of activism, both consider the realistic goals of the political system and attention to the desires and needs of learners and their parents.
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